The present contribution describes Muslims’ opportunities for activism and political participation, as shaped institutionally and discursively, in Milan and Turin. It analyses the interplay between the national level and the local level, and assesses the implications that contrasting local arrangements have for Muslims’ activism, claims-making and, to a certain extent, even self-identifications – especially with reference to young, second-generation Muslims. In Milan Muslims are confronted with a very closed system of political opportunities, while in Turin there appears to be a much more open system, which aims at co-opting second-generation organisations in particular. The consequence is that while in Milan Muslims – especially second-generation ones – are resigned to being merely the recipients of integration policies, in Turin they can conceive themselves more as partners of the city’s institutions, by resorting to a strategy of ‘active citizenship’. The chapter was originally published as a special issue of Religion, State & Society.
Mezzetti, G., Ricucci, R., Political opportunity structures and the activism of first- and second-generation Muslims in two Italian cities, in Julia Martínez-Ariñ, J. M. (ed.), Governing Religious Diversity in Cities. Critical Perspectives, Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, Abingdon, Oxon and New York 2020: 42- 59 [https://hdl.handle.net/10807/271280]
Political opportunity structures and the activism of first- and second-generation Muslims in two Italian cities
Mezzetti, Giulia
Primo
;
2020
Abstract
The present contribution describes Muslims’ opportunities for activism and political participation, as shaped institutionally and discursively, in Milan and Turin. It analyses the interplay between the national level and the local level, and assesses the implications that contrasting local arrangements have for Muslims’ activism, claims-making and, to a certain extent, even self-identifications – especially with reference to young, second-generation Muslims. In Milan Muslims are confronted with a very closed system of political opportunities, while in Turin there appears to be a much more open system, which aims at co-opting second-generation organisations in particular. The consequence is that while in Milan Muslims – especially second-generation ones – are resigned to being merely the recipients of integration policies, in Turin they can conceive themselves more as partners of the city’s institutions, by resorting to a strategy of ‘active citizenship’. The chapter was originally published as a special issue of Religion, State & Society.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.