The article thematizes the historical-theatrical problem of Euripides’ Alcestis, the critical point of which consists in its being a tragedy performed fourth after a trilogy, in a position that is believed to have been occupied, ‘by rule’, by satyr drama. Alexandrian critics commenting on Alcestis did not detect problems with this, but pointed out the proximity of this tragedy to the satyr drama because of the ‘mixed’ character of the tragic plot with a happy ending for the protagonists and comic moments. Such ancient exegesis may go back to the exegetical activity of Alexander Aetolus and Lycophron in the Museum of Alexandria (3rd BCE), transposed and reworked in the Byzantine age, particularly by Tzetzes. This scholar dealt with the ‘strange case’ of Alcestis in various writings in which he addressed the theoretical problem of tragedies that, like satyr dramas, present a plot with a happy ending. Addressing Alcestis as a fourth drama requires the analysis of many complex issues that, depending on the perspective, lead to different reconstructions. Although between the 6th and 5th centuries BCE the name τραγῳδία was applicable to heroic plots without satyrs as well as to heroic plots with choruses of satyrs, nevertheless evidence emerges that the presence of satyrs implies amusement derived from vulgar scenes, while tragedies with happy endings raise a smile that rather coincides with the suspension of weeping and fear (as in Alcestis). No evidence allows the assumption that the 6th-century BCE tragedies attributed to Thespis and Phrynicus had satyrs. The definition of the ‘tragic’ genre and the organization of tragic and comic performances were gradual processes triggered by the fundamental role of the most influential experiments: we think of the innovation of tragedy with satyrs by Pratinas, the introduction of female characters by Phrynicus, the increase from one to three of the speaking actors with Aeschylus and Sophocles, and the historical dramas of Phrynicus and Aeschylus (which, however, had no continuity afterwards). Analysis of the data allows us to conclude that dramatic performances during the Dionysian festivals, even if carefully organized, were flexible systems, open to innovations, so much that a ‘tragicomedy’ such as Alcestis may occupy the fourth position that the great success of Aeschylus had consecrated to satyr dramas. Three fragments of Phrynicus’ Alcestis and a vascular depiction, circa 540 BCE, in which Heracles leads Alcestis out of Hades on an Attic amphora from Vulci show the basic dramaturgical junctures of Euripides’ drama. The connection with a pre-literary folkloric tradition emerges not only from this, but also from the vascular images in which Pelias’ daughters (remember, Alcesti is one of them!) are engaged in rejuvenating their father in Medea’s cauldron, where they unknowingly murder him. The fearful but grotesque depictions of Thanatos attacking his victims on numerous Attic lekythoi of the second half of the 5th century BCE recall Thanatos’ appearance in Euripides’ drama. Thus emerges an important strand of folk legends about Alcestis, Admetus, Thanatos, and Heracles: the connection of the tragedy Alcestis with this kind of tradition seems sufficient to explain not only the happy ending, but also the concession to the comic and to some of the goliardic aspects of Heracles’ personality which, without ever falling into vulgarity or excess, contaminate the tragic genre according to a poetic register quite different from that of the satyr dramas.

L’articolo mette a tema il problema storico-teatrale dell’Alcesti di Euripide, il cui punto critico consiste nell’essere una tragedia rappresentata al quarto posto dopo una trilogia, in una posizione che si ritiene dover essere occupata, ‘per regola’, dal dramma satiresco. La critica alessandrina che commentava Alcesti non rilevava problemi in merito a ciò, ma evidenziava la prossimità di questa tragedia con il dramma satiresco per via del carattere ‘misto’ della trama tragica con una lysis felice per i protagonisti e momenti comici; si ricostruisce che tale esegesi antica possa risalire all’attività esegetica di Alessandro Etolo e Licofrone nel Museo di Alessandria (III a.C.), recepita e rielaborata in età bizantina, in particolare da Tzetzes. Quest’ultimo si occupò dello ‘strano caso’ di Alcesti in vari scritti in cui affrontava il problema teorico delle tragedie che, come i drammi satireschi, presentano una trama a lieto fine. Affrontare Alcesti come quarto dramma richiede un’analisi dello stato dell’arte su tutti questi complessi temi, un mare magnum di ricerche che, a seconda della prospettiva, conducono a diverse ricostruzioni. Sebbene tra VI e V sec. a.C. il nome τραγῳδία fosse applicabile in mondo indistinto a trame eroiche senza satiri e a trame eroiche con cori di satiri, tuttavia emerge l’evidenza che la presenza dei satiri implica un divertimento che deriva da scene volgari, mentre le tragedie a lieto fine sollevano un sorriso che coincide piuttosto con la sospensione del pianto e della paura (come in Alcesti). Nessuna testimonianza permette di supporre che le tragedie del VI sec. a.C. attribuite a Tespi e a Frinico avessero satiri. La definizione del genere ‘tragico’ e l’organizzazione di spettacoli tragici e comici nel VI e V sec. a.C. sono stati processi graduali e dobbiamo immaginare il ruolo fondamentale delle sperimentazioni più autorevoli: si pensi all’innovazione della tragedia con satiri da parte di Pratina, all’introduzione dei personaggi femminili con Frinico, all’aumento da uno a tre degli attori parlanti con Eschilo e Sofocle, ai drammi storici di Frinico ed Eschilo (che poi però non ebbero continuità). L’analisi dei dati permette di concludere che le rappresentazioni drammatiche durante le feste dionisiache erano sì accuratamente organizzate, ma in sistemi flessibili e ‘aperti’ alle innovazioni, tanto che una ‘tragicommedia’ come Alcesti può occupare la quarta posizione che il grande successo di Eschilo aveva consacrato ai drammi satireschi. Tre frammenti dell’Alcesti di Frinico e una raffigurazione vascolare, del 540 a.C., in cui Eracle conduce Alcesti fuori dall’Ade su un’anfora attica proveniente da Vulci mostrano già gli snodi drammaturgici fondamentali del dramma euripideo. Il collegamento con una tradizione pre-letteraria folclorica emerge non solo da questo, ma anche dalle immagini vascolari in cui le figlie di Pelia (ricordiamo, Alcesti è una di loro!) sono impegnate a ringiovanire il padre nel calderone di Medea, dove inconsapevolmente lo assassinano. Le raffigurazioni paurose ma grottesche di Thanatos che aggredisce le vittime su numerose lekythoi attiche della seconda metà del V secolo a.C. richiamano l’aspetto di Thanatos nel dramma euripideo. Emerge dunque un importante filone di leggende popolari su Alcesti, Admeto, Thanatos ed Eracle: il collegamento della tragedia Alcesti con questo genere di tradizione pare sufficiente a spiegare non solo il lieto fine, ma anche la concessione al comico e ad alcuni aspetti goliardici della personalità di Eracle che, senza cadere mai nella volgarità o nell’eccesso, contaminano il genere tragico secondo un registro poetico del tutto differente rispetto a quello dei drammi satireschi.

Matelli, E., Il genere misto dell’Alcesti di Euripide, quarto dramma alle Dionisie Cittadine del 438 a.C., in Carrara, L. (ed.), Il ‘Quarto incluso’. Studi sul quarto dramma nel teatro greco di età classica. Atti del convegno internazionale, Pisa 9-10 Dicembre 2021, Edizioni ETS, Pisa 2022: 2022 69- 109 [https://hdl.handle.net/10807/227527]

Il genere misto dell’Alcesti di Euripide, quarto dramma alle Dionisie Cittadine del 438 a.C.

Matelli, Elisabetta
2022

Abstract

The article thematizes the historical-theatrical problem of Euripides’ Alcestis, the critical point of which consists in its being a tragedy performed fourth after a trilogy, in a position that is believed to have been occupied, ‘by rule’, by satyr drama. Alexandrian critics commenting on Alcestis did not detect problems with this, but pointed out the proximity of this tragedy to the satyr drama because of the ‘mixed’ character of the tragic plot with a happy ending for the protagonists and comic moments. Such ancient exegesis may go back to the exegetical activity of Alexander Aetolus and Lycophron in the Museum of Alexandria (3rd BCE), transposed and reworked in the Byzantine age, particularly by Tzetzes. This scholar dealt with the ‘strange case’ of Alcestis in various writings in which he addressed the theoretical problem of tragedies that, like satyr dramas, present a plot with a happy ending. Addressing Alcestis as a fourth drama requires the analysis of many complex issues that, depending on the perspective, lead to different reconstructions. Although between the 6th and 5th centuries BCE the name τραγῳδία was applicable to heroic plots without satyrs as well as to heroic plots with choruses of satyrs, nevertheless evidence emerges that the presence of satyrs implies amusement derived from vulgar scenes, while tragedies with happy endings raise a smile that rather coincides with the suspension of weeping and fear (as in Alcestis). No evidence allows the assumption that the 6th-century BCE tragedies attributed to Thespis and Phrynicus had satyrs. The definition of the ‘tragic’ genre and the organization of tragic and comic performances were gradual processes triggered by the fundamental role of the most influential experiments: we think of the innovation of tragedy with satyrs by Pratinas, the introduction of female characters by Phrynicus, the increase from one to three of the speaking actors with Aeschylus and Sophocles, and the historical dramas of Phrynicus and Aeschylus (which, however, had no continuity afterwards). Analysis of the data allows us to conclude that dramatic performances during the Dionysian festivals, even if carefully organized, were flexible systems, open to innovations, so much that a ‘tragicomedy’ such as Alcestis may occupy the fourth position that the great success of Aeschylus had consecrated to satyr dramas. Three fragments of Phrynicus’ Alcestis and a vascular depiction, circa 540 BCE, in which Heracles leads Alcestis out of Hades on an Attic amphora from Vulci show the basic dramaturgical junctures of Euripides’ drama. The connection with a pre-literary folkloric tradition emerges not only from this, but also from the vascular images in which Pelias’ daughters (remember, Alcesti is one of them!) are engaged in rejuvenating their father in Medea’s cauldron, where they unknowingly murder him. The fearful but grotesque depictions of Thanatos attacking his victims on numerous Attic lekythoi of the second half of the 5th century BCE recall Thanatos’ appearance in Euripides’ drama. Thus emerges an important strand of folk legends about Alcestis, Admetus, Thanatos, and Heracles: the connection of the tragedy Alcestis with this kind of tradition seems sufficient to explain not only the happy ending, but also the concession to the comic and to some of the goliardic aspects of Heracles’ personality which, without ever falling into vulgarity or excess, contaminate the tragic genre according to a poetic register quite different from that of the satyr dramas.
2022
Italiano
Il ‘Quarto incluso’. Studi sul quarto dramma nel teatro greco di età classica. Atti del convegno internazionale, Pisa 9-10 Dicembre 2021
9788846764621
Edizioni ETS
2022
Matelli, E., Il genere misto dell’Alcesti di Euripide, quarto dramma alle Dionisie Cittadine del 438 a.C., in Carrara, L. (ed.), Il ‘Quarto incluso’. Studi sul quarto dramma nel teatro greco di età classica. Atti del convegno internazionale, Pisa 9-10 Dicembre 2021, Edizioni ETS, Pisa 2022: 2022 69- 109 [https://hdl.handle.net/10807/227527]
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