In its first section devoted to Italy, this report examines the emersion process of “undocumented” migrants’ irregular labour provided for by Law No. 189 of 30 July 2002, Law Decree No. 195 of 9 September 2002, which with some amendments became Law No. 195 of 9 October 2002 on “Urgent provisions concerning non-EU migrants’ irregular labour legalisation”. The so-called great regularisation of 2002 led to the emergence of about 650,000 individual positions, slightly fewer than the total number of positions that had been held by migrants and regularised through the different amnesty laws in Italy between 1986 and 1998. Thanks to effective organisation, the creation of poly-functional counters for all operations allowed co-ordination among the relevant authorities and, particularly in some areas, harmonious co-operation between public institutions and organisations of civil society, it was possible to process more than 700,000 regularisation applications within little more than one year, as well as cope with several doubtful cases and expand the number of beneficiaries beyond the case typologies the legislator had originally defined. Over the two years after the submission of all applications, only 1.7% of the regularised migrants lost their regular status because they could not obtain an extension of their residence permit, just 8% were jobless and “only” 11.8% were irregularly employed. The positive results of this regularisation in terms of emergence from illegality and the recovery of tax and contributions are therefore undeniable. Where this particular regularisation, like previous programmes and similar schemes in other countries, missed the target was in its ability to make a meaningful difference to the flow of incoming migrants. As of 1 July 2005, according to the estimates, the number of irregular migrants was already over half a million and it continues to show an irreversible, growing trend, waiting for a new mass-regularisation provision. On the other hand, though irregularity has a negative effect on migrants’ employment capacity and on their ability to put their human capital to good use, it does not prevent them from finding a job. Among illegal and irregular migrants, even those with relatively short average migration seniority, three quarters of them have managed to find a job, which in most cases is a steady occupation. But the result has been to strengthen in people’s minds the idea of Italy as a country where it is possible to enter, live and work in defiance of any law. The fight against the shadow economy must therefore become an absolute priority, and should make us aware of the consequences that foreigners’ irregular employment has, particularly in the weakest regions most exposed to unemployment, on the functioning of local labour markets, since it represents a threat not only to interethnic co-existence, but also to the very solidity of social cohesion.
Il rapporto analizza il percorso di emersione del lavoro irregolare degli immigrati undocumented disposto dalla legge n. 189 del 30 luglio e dal decreto-legge n. 195 del 9 settembre, convertito con modificazioni nella legge n. 195 del 9 ottobre 2002, “Disposizioni urgenti in materia di legalizzazione del lavoro irregolare di extracomunitari”. La c.d. “grande regolarizzazione” del 2002 ha portato all’emersione di circa 650mila posizioni individuali, poco meno di quelle complessivamente regolarizzate attraverso le diverse leggi di sanatoria che si sono succedute in Italia dal 1986 al 1998. Grazie a un’efficace macchina organizzativa che attraverso l’istituzione di sportelli unici polifunzionali ha garantito il coordinamento delle autorità istituzionalmente coinvolte e grazie, specie in alcune realtà locali, a una virtuosa collaborazione tra istituzioni pubbliche ed espressioni organizzate della società civile, è stato possibile processare le oltre 700mila istanze di regolarizzazione in poco più di un anno, affrontare i numerosi casi dubbi, “dilatare” il numero dei beneficiari anche oltre le fattispecie inizialmente definite dal legislatore. A oltre due anni di distanza dalla presentazione delle domande, solo l’1,7% dei regolarizzati aveva perso lo status di regolare per l’impossibilità di ottenere il rinnovo del proprio permesso di soggiorno, solo l’8% era disoccupato e “solo” l’11,8% occupato in maniera irregolare. L’esito positivo della regolarizzazione in termini di emersione dell’illegalità e di recupero di risorse per il sistema fiscale e contributivo è dunque innegabile. Laddove questa, al pari delle precedenti regolarizzazioni e di quelle analoghe lanciate in altri paesi, ha fallito l’obiettivo è nella capacità di incidere in misura significativa sulla dinamica dei flussi in arrivo. Il numero degli immigrati irregolari è stato stimato, con riferimento al 1° luglio 2005, già oltre il mezzo milione, con una tendenza irreversibile a crescere ancora nell’attesa di una nuova, e da molti considerata inevitabile, legge di regolarizzazione di massa. E d’altro canto, se è pur vero che l’irregolarità incide negativamente sull’occupabilità del migrante e sulla possibilità di mettere a frutto il proprio capitale umano, essa non impedisce comunque di trovare un lavoro. Tra gli immigrati clandestini e irregolari, ancorché con un’anzianità migratoria mediamente modesta, i ¾ hanno comunque un’occupazione, per lo più stabile. A riprova di una capacità di assorbimento da parte del sistema economico italiano che supera ampiamente i limiti definiti dalle quote. Ma con la conseguenza, anche, di avvalorare ulteriormente nell’immaginario collettivo l’idea dell’Italia come di un paese in cui è possibile entrare, risiedere e lavorare a dispetto di quanto definito dalla legge. La lotta all’economia sommersa deve dunque costituire una priorità assoluta, nella consapevolezza delle conseguenze che, specie nelle regioni più deboli e più esposte alla disoccupazione, l’occupazione irregolare degli stranieri produce sul funzionamento tout court dei mercati locali del lavoro, costituendo una minaccia non solo per la convivenza interetnica, ma per la stessa tenuta della coesione sociale.
Zanfrini, L., Kluth, W., Les politiques relatives aux migrants irréguliers. Volume 1: Italie et Allemagne, Les éditions du Conseil de l'Europe, Strasbourg 2008: 117 [http://hdl.handle.net/10807/22143]
Les politiques relatives aux migrants irréguliers. Volume 1: Italie et Allemagne
Zanfrini, Laura;
2008
Abstract
In its first section devoted to Italy, this report examines the emersion process of “undocumented” migrants’ irregular labour provided for by Law No. 189 of 30 July 2002, Law Decree No. 195 of 9 September 2002, which with some amendments became Law No. 195 of 9 October 2002 on “Urgent provisions concerning non-EU migrants’ irregular labour legalisation”. The so-called great regularisation of 2002 led to the emergence of about 650,000 individual positions, slightly fewer than the total number of positions that had been held by migrants and regularised through the different amnesty laws in Italy between 1986 and 1998. Thanks to effective organisation, the creation of poly-functional counters for all operations allowed co-ordination among the relevant authorities and, particularly in some areas, harmonious co-operation between public institutions and organisations of civil society, it was possible to process more than 700,000 regularisation applications within little more than one year, as well as cope with several doubtful cases and expand the number of beneficiaries beyond the case typologies the legislator had originally defined. Over the two years after the submission of all applications, only 1.7% of the regularised migrants lost their regular status because they could not obtain an extension of their residence permit, just 8% were jobless and “only” 11.8% were irregularly employed. The positive results of this regularisation in terms of emergence from illegality and the recovery of tax and contributions are therefore undeniable. Where this particular regularisation, like previous programmes and similar schemes in other countries, missed the target was in its ability to make a meaningful difference to the flow of incoming migrants. As of 1 July 2005, according to the estimates, the number of irregular migrants was already over half a million and it continues to show an irreversible, growing trend, waiting for a new mass-regularisation provision. On the other hand, though irregularity has a negative effect on migrants’ employment capacity and on their ability to put their human capital to good use, it does not prevent them from finding a job. Among illegal and irregular migrants, even those with relatively short average migration seniority, three quarters of them have managed to find a job, which in most cases is a steady occupation. But the result has been to strengthen in people’s minds the idea of Italy as a country where it is possible to enter, live and work in defiance of any law. The fight against the shadow economy must therefore become an absolute priority, and should make us aware of the consequences that foreigners’ irregular employment has, particularly in the weakest regions most exposed to unemployment, on the functioning of local labour markets, since it represents a threat not only to interethnic co-existence, but also to the very solidity of social cohesion.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.