The typology of word prosody is still a subject of debate. Tone and stress remain the central units of classification; however, there is not an established consensus about their definitions. In this chapter, I focus on two specific word-prosodic units with a non-pitch based primary phonetic exponent: prosodic quantity in Standard Estonian and prosodic laryngealization in Copenhagen Danish. I summarize their main phonetic and functional features with special attention placed on their relation to pitch and stress in the respective languages. I also compare these prosodic units with functionally similar cases of pitch-based word prosody in other languages and put them in the framework of mainstream word-prosodic typology. Both cases are challenging for the typology, as they are full-fledged phonological word-prosodic units, but do not qualify either as tone or as stress. In the end, I discuss a possible input from such cases into the debate on distinction between the notions of tone, stress, and accent.
Kuznetsova, N., What Danish and Estonian Can Show to a Modern Word-Prosodic Typology, in Goedemans, R., Heinz, J., Van Der Hulst, H. (ed.), The study of word stress and accent: theories, methods and data, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (UK) 2018: 102- 144. 10.1017/9781316683101.005 [http://hdl.handle.net/10807/143734]
What Danish and Estonian Can Show to a Modern Word-Prosodic Typology
Kuznetsova, Natalia
Primo
2018
Abstract
The typology of word prosody is still a subject of debate. Tone and stress remain the central units of classification; however, there is not an established consensus about their definitions. In this chapter, I focus on two specific word-prosodic units with a non-pitch based primary phonetic exponent: prosodic quantity in Standard Estonian and prosodic laryngealization in Copenhagen Danish. I summarize their main phonetic and functional features with special attention placed on their relation to pitch and stress in the respective languages. I also compare these prosodic units with functionally similar cases of pitch-based word prosody in other languages and put them in the framework of mainstream word-prosodic typology. Both cases are challenging for the typology, as they are full-fledged phonological word-prosodic units, but do not qualify either as tone or as stress. In the end, I discuss a possible input from such cases into the debate on distinction between the notions of tone, stress, and accent.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.